IBB = 419: Nigerian Democracy and the Politics of Illusion

Andrew Apter in Civil Society and the Political Imagination in Africa editors: John L. and Jean Comaroff; the University of Chicago Press 1999

In his article Apter takes two "figures" of Nigerian culture and builds the essay around a comparison between the two. One of these figures if General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, commonly known as IBB, who governed Nigeria from the 1985 military coup which brought him into power until his resignation 1993 after much public discontentment. The other central figure is "419" fraud, for which Nigeria also became known for.

"419" is synonymous to financial fraud that became popular and perfected in Nigeria. The handle "419" derives from the Nigerian code law that persecutes these sort of crimes. Apter describes it as 'a hybrid narrative genre - combining low tragicomedy with high moral parable - about greed, corruption, and ruinous deception perpetrated by crafty Nigerians on their credulous marks' (p.270). The fraud consists in a game of appearances that leads to a confident trick. Initially the victims, normally foreigners, received letters or faxes from a Nigerian businessman proposing a highly profitable deal. Faced with such proposition the foreign partner only needed to advance a small amount, to pay fees or lawyers, and the profit was guaranteed. This business was set against the popular image of Nigeria as a prosperous nation, that resulted from the 1970s and 1980s oil boom. Yet only in the 1990s did "419" became popular world-wide. Apter localizes the explosion of the "419" fraud in 1990, when the Naira - Nigerian currency - dropped as a result of IBB's measurements to deregulate the banking system and foreign exchange market. "419" began following the international money routes, and succeeded to defraud those thirsty for a profitable deal with the charming Nigerian businessmen. At the heart of 419 is a game of appearances where the criminals on the surface look remarkably official and trustworthy. Apter reports several cases of "419" acts, being the most remarkable of all the one where NASA and the ministry of Aviation who lost $4.4 million to a con deal with what looked like the Nigeria's Ministry of Aviation.

Given Nigerian exploitation and low living standards of a great portion of the population, under both the colonial and the pos-colonial regimes, Apter sees a certain level of 'righteous third world banditry to the Nigerian "419"'(p.274). He also points out that Nigerians are aware of the West's complicity, in its hunger for money, in "419". In the song I Go Shop Your Dollar the Nigeria actor Nkem Owoh provides a vivid portrait to the sentiment from those who commit "419" towards their victims, but also the game of appearances that "419" sets up to succeed in gaining the trust of its pray.

I don suffer, no be small
Upon say I get sense
Poverty no good at all, no
Na him make I join this business

419 no be thief, it's just a game
Everybody dey play am
If anybody fall mugu,
Ha, my brother I go chop am

National Airport na me get am
National Stadium na me build am
President na my sister brother
You be the mugu, I be the master

Oyinbo man I go chop your dollar
I go take your money and disappear
419 is just a game
You are the loser, I am the winner

(Songs video clip at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f1nKR3gYRY8)

Yet, the essay began with IBB's last moments of power, where in front of TV cameras the General broke down in tears during his televised farewell to the country on 26th of August 1993. For the dictator's to get to this point much had to happen, and only when left totally isolated did IBB resign from power. Apter describes the political dance, comprised of democracy's false starts and stops, which allowed the General to maintain his power. On December the 12th 1987 the first elections under the General's rule are held. The process is annulled by the National Electoral Commission due to a shortage of ballot boxes and electoral irregularities. Two years later, on the 3rd of May 1989, the six-year ban on political parties is lifted. Parties could now be formed, but based on IBB's claim that none of the associations applying to become a party broke with the tribal and religious divisions, their creation was suspended. Instead two new parties, the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention were created. Unsurprisingly the government was printing out both parties' manifestos, whose message parroted the regime's policies. Essentially the parties were one of IBB's fabrication that gave the regime control over the political"democratic" process. Between 1991 and 1993 IBB annulled, disqualified, and rescheduled several elections, until the population revolted in Lagos and Ibadan on June 23rd, 1993, which resulted in IBB's abdication of power. Apter mentions the presence of one demonstrator, during the protests the led to IBB's resignation, holding a placard with the words "IBB = 499". He argues that such analogy between the General and the art of con is not metaphorical but real (p.287). IBB's creation of a fictitious democracy, with all the essential elements, but no real democratic processes was in itself a "419" where the whole appearance was crafted in order to look as believable and appealing as reality, whereas in fact none of it existed below the surface that served as a cover for what is missing.

to use in thesis

political vibration of every word.
look specificaly at 419 spam
describe 419s
419s is a practice that reflects the social and political context, and which the most prominent case is IBB's election's fiction