User:Tash/grad reading

On media + democracy

Staal, J. and Sison, J. (2013). New World Academy Reader #1: Towards a people's culture. Utrecht: BAK, basis voor actuele kunst.
Towards a People’s Culture is a reader of critical essays and poems chosen by artists and political figures from the Netherlands and the Philippines. It discusses the vital function of art and artists in the Maoist-oriented National Democratic Movement of the Philippines, and concerns itself in particular with the figure of the cultural worker, and its imaginative and practical role in a progressive democracy. Co-edited by a former director of the Philippines Communist Party, the reader as a whole calls for the use of art as a means of mass education, agitation and organisation – in other words, of cultural revolution – against a heritage of colonial mentality and national amnesia. One particularly interesting essay also looks into the protest art of effigy making, and how these “constructed spectacles of pomp and parody” are used to take back / subvert state-controlled images of political figures.

I picked up this reader because I wanted to learn more about the Philippines, which does a share a similar social and post-colonial context with Indonesia. Both archipelagos emerge from a history marred by cold-war era anti-communist propaganda, military governance, and cultural regulation. Where in Indonesia, Islam has been the most striking cultural force, in the Philippines it was Catholicism first, then Americanism second, which became the greatest influence.

As such, the media landscape in the Philippines seems to be much more susceptible to and dominated by American film, music, fashion – and their accompanying values. This comes from their semicolonial history with them, and the continued meddlings of American economic and political institutions (including those carried out by the CIA) into Filipino life.

Though globalization is also a significant force shaping modern Indonesian culture, for us the influence comes from many sources – South Korean music, Bollywood films, Taiwanese soap operas. What strikes me as the same in both countries though, is the need for the local culture to be released from colonial mentality, that is, the need for Filipino and Indonesian history and heritage to be affirmed into a kind of national consciousness. In simpler terms, I think both countries need to turn their eyes inward and make visible (and audible) the past which have been swept under the rug. After all, what is a political revolution without a cultural revolution?

At this point it’s also interesting to note one of the questions brought up in this reader – that of how art in service of politics is often branded as ‘propaganda’. This concern has ended up discouraging and depoliticizing artists for a long time. But I like the idea that in the right hands, propaganda can also be a ‘progressive and emancipatory tool’.

One last note I want to make is about the interesting essay by Lisa Ito on the popular use of effigies in Filipino political protests. On the visual impact that the burning of these puppets has on the masses, she writes: “Dozens, if not hundreds, of cameras and devices document these performative deaths that bring the spectacle to the same public that consumes state-controlled images of the president.” I find this bears similarities to the role that political memes play online. The main difference though, is that memes are fast and cheap media: easily made by anyone, anywhere.

Heryanto, A. (2018). Identitas dan Kenikmatan: Politik Budaya Layar Indonesia. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia.
Identity and Pleasure: The Politics of Indonesian Screen Culture is a recently published book by Indonesian sociologist Ariel Heryanto. It critically examines the emergence of pop and screen culture (cinema, television and social media) in Indonesia and its role in the construction and performance of contemporary Indonesian political identity. Through analysing the historical uses of media by both sides of the political spectrum, Heryanto is able to chart the complex evolution of Indonesia’s media landscape. Specific cases discussed include the use of film by the militaristic Suharto regime (1965-1998) as a tool for psychological warfare and propaganda, to the popularity of Korean and Taiwanese television programs and its impact on race relations in post-cold-war Indonesia. Throughout his analyses, Heryanto’s overarching attitude is clear: pop culture has always been, and will continue to be, a vital political force in Indonesian society. Vital, because of its reach and velocity (a significant advantage in a country of 263 million people), and political, because it has to do with power – and because its position as the vernacular media of the masses will always be contested by the mainstream institutions which precede it.

What strikes me most about this book, is the nuanced way in which it contextualizes new media discourse within Indonesian history. Heryanto takes special care to examine not just the function of digital media in society, but also the global, political and cultural dimensions in which they first developed. In post-colonial Indonesia, which was governed by a ‘benevolent dictator’ from 1965 till 1998, the internet revolution came at precisely the same moment as the political revolution. The nation’s media landscape changed rapidly in the power vacuum that followed the dramatic collapse of the so-called New Order government. After decades of political censorship on subjects like the government-sanctioned 1965 anti-communist purge, and economic control of mainstream media industries, the first decades of the new millenium saw big advances in freedom of expression, and freedom of connection. As Indonesia’s economy strengthened, and democracy took its first steps in government, tens of millions of Indonesians joined the new middle class. Mobile phone and internet usage skyrocketed, cinemas proliferated, and so did interest in foreign pop culture (especially Hollywood and East-Asian).

However, as with most questions of media power, the sword is always double-edged. Culture and politics never exist in a vacuum, and neither does technology. For Indonesia, the rise of networked media and the new freedom of democratic government did not equal an engaged and empowered civil society. Though access to knowledge has increased, other forces, both national and trans-national, continue to impede meaningful discourse on difficult subjects. The rise of political islam is one of the most influential forces in modern Indonesian society, resulting in not just religious censorship by way of the law but also self-censorship and a mob mentality which threatens our very democracy. Questioning Indonesia’s muslim identity has become taboo – and has even resulted in the 2016 incarceration of the then governor of Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, an Indonesian of Chinese descent who was charged for ‘blasphemy’ against the Koran. While social media runs rampant with political memes about this situation, mainstream Indonesian media still struggles to image any kind of meaningful dissent. Films that are deemed ‘too political’ are shutdown by either institutional pressures or social ones, such as from protesting religious groups.

Together, all of these actors make for a complex media landscape. Still, Heryanto’s conclusion is optimistic. Even in a country with substantial barriers to free speech (which goes far beyond censorship and includes factors like media literacy and revisionism), or perhaps especially because of this, social and vernacular media can act as tools for democracy. Furthermore, Indonesia as a traditionally oral culture, is specifically suited to polyvocal, participatory modes of communication. What Indonesia needs, then, is not more media, but better media – and safe spaces to discuss, disagree and deconstruct what it means to be a modern Indonesian citizen.

Barok, D. (2009). On participatory art: Interview with Claire Bishop. [online] Available at: https://www.academia.edu/771895/On_participatory_art_Interview_with_Claire_Bishop. [Accessed 24 Sep. 2018].

Philpott, Simon. (2000). Rethinking Indonesia: Post-colonial Theory, Authoritarianism and Identity. London: Macmillan Press.

Nugroho, Y., & Syarief, S. S. (2012). Beyond click-activism? New media and political processes in contemporary Indonesia. Jakarta: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

Sen, Khrishna, and Hill, David. eds. (2011). Politics and the Media in Twenty-First Century Indonesia: A Decade of Democracy. Oxon: Routledge.

Boler, Megan. (2008). Digital Media and Democracy: Tactics in Hard Times. Cambridge: The MIT Press.

Latour, B. and Weibel, P. (2005). Making Things Public: Atmospheres of Democracy. Cambridge: The MIT Press.

Mouffe, C. (2013). For an Agonistic Model of Democracy. In: Hegemony, Radical Democracy, and the Political. Oxon: Routledge.

On media vs copyright

Liang, Lawrence (2011). Beyond Representation: The Figure of the Pirate in Access to Knowledge in the Age of Intellectual Property.

In this essay, Liang unpacks the representation of the pirate throughout history, making connections between the philosophical, the legal and the everyday realities of how we access knowledge around the world. In tracing the cultural politics of both extralegal distribution and outlaw production, he pays special attention to the caricatures of the 'Asian pirate' and his counterpart, the 'creative innovator'. He advocates for a more situated, non-binary approach to understanding the phenomenon of media piracy and all the underlying social structures that produce it.


Joe Karaganis (ed.) (2011). Media Piracy in Emerging Economies.

This book attempts to map the social and economical structures which sustain media piracy in the developing economies of the world. Situating film, book and music piracy within the context of globalization and the digital revolution of the last two decades, and the low-income, low-enforcement media landscapes of countries such as India, contributors like Liang and Balasz explain that Asia’s copy culture has less to do with crime and illegality and more to do with the region’s stop and start processes of urbanization, modernization and access to information. The conclusion is that piracy, whether in the form of street vendors selling DVDs or P2P protocols serving files between local machines, is less of a threat to development than the continued dominance of high-priced media-markets served by IP-lobbyists and multinationals.

Cramer, Florian and Balaguer, Clara. The Moral of the Xerox.

This publication consists of notes from a conversation between Florian Cramer and Clara Balaguer, on the ethics of piracy and cultural appropriation, paying special attention to the power relations between the East and the West, the inside and the outside, the visible and the invisible. Cramer also traces the evolution of art practices such as culture jamming and plagiarism, looking at how it is used in surrealism, situationism, punk, and internet memes – all as a way to undermine Western notions of property, individuality and capitalism.

Steyerl, Hito (2012). In Defense of the Poor Image in The Wretched of the Screen.

In this essay Hito Steyerl comes to the defense of the ‘poor image’ – exploring its role in contemporary art, culture and in capitalist society. Through challenging the hierarchies of the image, questioning our fetish for resolution and unpacking our faith in the cult of the original version, she addresses the politics of the digital image, and explores the social potential of ‘poor images’. According to Steyerl, these ‘substandard’ copies lose sharpness but gain velocity – their compactness means they can be “distributed for free, squeezed through slow digital connections, compressed, reproduced, ripped, remixed… It often transforms quality into accessibility… It defies patrimony, national culture, or indeed copyright.”

This specific volatility and economy of poor images means that they are also open to participation from anyone, at anytime. In the context of countries like Indonesia, these characteristics give poor images a huge advantage. Fuzzy DVD copies, out-of-sync imitations and slapdash memes are quickly and wholeheartedly assimilated into mass and pop culture. While traditional media institutions like news broadcasting channels and the national film associations make slow progress against hegemonic forces like elitism, political censorship and corruption, alternative media platforms, especially social media, are taking more chances in more directions.

Steyerl also notes, however, that these merits are not always used for progressive ends. “The networks in which poor images circulate thus constitute both a platform for a fragile new common interest and a battleground for commercial and national agendas.” Especially in a context where there is low media literacy, these circuits are bound to also contain massive amounts of noise and paranoia. This paradox is something I’m very interested in exploring in both my thesis and my practical project.

Steyerl, Hito (2006). Notes about Spamsoc.

In this article Hito Steyerl turns her analytical eye on to pirated DVD’s – those produced and sold in countries like China and India, boasting a collage of appropriated images, mis-translated captions and garbled blurbs in ‘look-a-like English’. Calling this language ‘spamsoc’, she examines its role in reflecting and stretching the politics of the image, asking: ‘Who owns pictures, words and their meaning?” One especially interesting example in this article is a jumbled copyright license Steyerl found on a DVD cover.

On media vs censorship

South China Morning Post (2017). Indonesian TV censorship: cartoons cut, athletes blurred as conservative Islam asserts itself and broadcasters fear sanctions. [online] Available at: https://www.scmp.com/culture/film-tv/article/2126007/indonesian-tv-censorship-cartoons-cut-athletes-blurred-conservative [Accessed 23 Sep. 2018].

Vice Indonesia (2018). The New Order Ended 20 Years Ago, But Indonesian Students Still Aren't Taught the Full Story. [online] Available at: https://www.vice.com/en_id/article/j5kme3/the-new-order-ended-20-years-ago-but-indonesian-students-still-arent-taught-the-full-story [Accessed 23 Sep. 2018].

Nieman Reports (2011). Indonesia’s Religious Violence: The Reluctance of Reporters to Tell the Story. [online] Available at: https://niemanreports.org/articles/indonesias-religious-violence-the-reluctance-of-reporters-to-tell-the-story/ [Accessed 24 Sep. 2018].

Wu, Amy (2009). Dimensions of Censorship.

Kaur, R. and Mazzarella, W. eds. (2009). Censorship in South Asia: Cultural Regulation from Sedition to Seduction. Bloomington: Indiana University Press

Greenberg, A. (2012). This machine kills secrets: how WikiLeakers, cypherpunks, and hacktivists aim to free the world's information. New York: Dutton.

Ying, M. (2018). Online within limits.

This interview with Miao Ying focuses on her latest art object, Blind Spot, which is inspired by the state of censorship on the Chinese web. By searching for and cataloguing every censored word on Google.cn, Ying tries to perform and make clear the oppressive and yet almost invisible impact of government censorship in the country. In her own words, "the Chinese Internet operates in a gray area." So what is the role of the public library – and indeed the pirate – under such a restrictive political and social system?

On media vs erasure (loss / memory)

Sluis, Katrina (2017). Accumulate, Aggregate, Destroy: Database Fever and the Archival Web. In: Dekker, A. ed. Lost and Living (in) Archives. Amsterdam: Valiz.

Quaranta, Domenico (2011). Collect The Wwworld. The Artist As Archivist In The Internet Age. Brescia: LINK Editions.

The Jakarta Globe (2018). Despite Presidential Instruction, Addressing Past Human Rights Abuses Still a Challenge. [online] Available at: http://jakartaglobe.id/news/despite-presidential-instruction-addressing-past-human-rights-abuses-still-challenge/ [Accessed 23 Sep. 2018].

Lee, I. (2017). Poetics and Politics of Erasure. Amsterdam: oneacre.

On memes and social media

Shifman, Limor (2014). Memes in Digital Culture. Cambridge: The MIT Press.

Cramer, Florian (2014). Anti-Media: Ephemera on Speculative Arts. Rotterdam: nai010 publishers.

Rheingold, Howard (2002). Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution. Cambridge: Basic Books.

Couldry, Nick and Curran, James. eds (2003). Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

The Paradox of Media Power is a chapter in the book Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World. It focuses on the power of the media in relation to other key sectors in society: namely big business, political elites, cultural elites, and so on. Specifically, it looks at the rise of alternative networked media, and its role as both a mediator of what goes on in society, as well as a cultural force in its own right – especially as life becomes more and more reliant on the fast circulation (and commodification) of information and images.

From warnet cafes in Indonesia to local educational media in Chile and Australia and community information centers in Scotland, to critical strands of fiction or news practice in the South African press, today’s media landscape is a site of many battles through and over media power involving many social forces: global corporations, local entrepreneurs, local churches, even networks at street level. What interests me most about these phenomena are the points of friction – where and how does informal, non-mainstream media confront traditional media infrastructures? Where does alternative media turn into radical media? Where do they differ in terms of access and impact – which cross section of society does it serve? And when it comes to Indonesia, how do particular elements of civil society (like religion, for example) either contest media power themselves or subsidize others to challenge media power?

Harsono, A. (1996). Indonesia: From Mainstream to Alternative Media. [online] Available at: https://journals.uic.edu/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/480/401. [Accessed 24 Sep. 2018].

Hapsoro, L. (2018). Beyond the “lulz”: Audience engagement with political memes in the case of Indonesia. Thesis. [online] Available at: http://lup.lub.lu.se/luur/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=8946724&fileOId=8947009. [Accessed 24 Sep. 2018].

This thesis explores the role of Internet memes as a form of political discourse in Indonesia, particularly in the context of the youth population in the nation’s urban centres. Hapsoro’s research is mainly based on literature review, field study of contemporary memetic dialogues online (on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter), as well as qualitative interviews with fourteen Indonesian young adults. Ultimately, her aim was not just to analyse the media’s potential as a tool to amplify public voices, or facilitate political expression, but also to “understand the ways in which viewers engage and create meaning of [these] memes”. She focuses on the audience – who they are, how they relate to each other, what their motivations are, and the extent of their engagement with the material. As such this thesis is more concerned with the way memes are read, interpreted and internalized by its audience, than on the features or semiotics of its creation.

Furthermore, the key question Hapsoro asks is one of cultural impact: “In what ways do political memes foster or hinder the Indonesian youth’s civic engagement?” To discuss the nuances of this issue, she looks at two recent case studies where memes performed as distinctive modes of discourse: political dissent to challenge a minister accused of corruption, Setya Novanto; and partisan opinions during the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election campaign. In both of these cases, memetic media became as pivotal as traditional news media in terms of reach and impact. It is clear, that at least in terms of offering freedom of speech (and spaces for discussion), memes do offer a new and much-needed avenue for young Indonesians to exercise their citizenship. However, Hapsoro is careful to note that the media’s distinguishing characteristics of multimodality, resonance, reappropriation, collectivism and spread, can also become its weakness. Unmoderated, conversation easily veers into conflict, spread into oversaturation and entertainment into brutality.

The backlash to all this ‘talk’ is also worth noting. According to Hapsoro, “over hundreds of Internet users have been reported to the police for online defamation and blasphemy since 2008… Individuals have been arrested for expressing their opinions freely on the Internet––and in some cases, detained for raising their voices against corrupt government officials.” In fact, freedom of press in Indonesia has taken a hit over the past few years, with sectarian and racial sentiments rising, and politics becoming more polarised than ever before.

This is precisely why I’m so interested in this topic: in a country which is becoming more and more sensitive to dissent, meme culture, with its polyvocal and participatory quality, represents a valuable space for experimentation and commentary. It has also proven effective in making politics more accessible to the masses – by bringing with it the codes of pop culture, memes feel inclusive where Indonesian politics too often feel like a game for elites. While it’s hard to say decisively whether they empower or impede civic engagement, I am convinced that memetic media has a significant role in democratic public culture. As Hapsoro concludes, the hope lies “in the interactivity and reach to form new avenues for public discourse – that is, ‘having the means to find information and engage with public dialogue’ and ‘interact with diverse members of the public.”

Inside Indonesia (2014). The paradox of virtual youth politics. [online] Available at:http://www.insideindonesia.org/the-paradox-of-virtual-youth-politics. [Accessed 24 Sep. 2018].