Noam Chomsky: Difference between revisions
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The model does suggest that the mainstream media, as elite institutions, commonly frame news and allow debate only within the parameters of elite perspectives; and that when the elite is really concerned and unified, and/or when ordinary citizens are not aware of the effective propaganda, the media will serve elite interests uncompromisingly. | The model does suggest that the mainstream media, as elite institutions, commonly frame news and allow debate only within the parameters of elite perspectives; and that when the elite is really concerned and unified, and/or when ordinary citizens are not aware of the effective propaganda, the media will serve elite interests uncompromisingly. | ||
==Selected Fragments by Irma of documentary Manufacturing Consent 1992 by Mark Achbar and Peter Wintonick | |||
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Revision as of 13:53, 16 November 2016
Irma's research on Noam Chomsky:
My point of interest
After analyzing Is a tall man happy, an animated documentary by Michael Gondry based on his conversation with Noam Chomsky, I wanted to research the theory professor Chomsky has on the manipulation in the media. To get an overview of his point of view I'll try to summarize several fragments of lectures and interviews on him.
Analyzing video: Propaganda terms of the media and what they mean
Fragment of a lecture of 9 min 41 sec.
Analyzing video: Noam Chomsky on Propaganda - The Big Idea - Interview with Andrew Marr BBC
The program starts with an introduction to the subject of propaganda in the media. It takes the viewer back to George Orwell theory of Big Brother in his book 1984, Orwell's nightmare where propaganda rules and thoughts are controlled. The interviewer assumes in his intro that the public sees Orwell's theory as a connection to the cold war period. Nowadays the western democracy is based on freedom of thought and expressions, the media sees himself as free. Orwell's theory seems bizarre, but not to Noam Chomsky. The program introduces Chomsky with a summary:
After this introduction, the interviewer asked Chomsky to explain what his "propaganda module" is. He explains that the term propaganda was often used to advocate as a necessary technique to overcome the danger of democracy. The institutional structure of the media is quite straightforward, the main players (NY Times, Washington Post, etc) have a product and a market. Their market is advertisers, other businesses and they are selling privileged audiences to these businesses. Chomsky refers to George Orwell's essay Literary Censorship where he points out two reasons why unpopular ideas can be silenced without force. The first reason is that the press is owned by wealthy men, the second reason is that journalists have a self-filtering system. This starts already in kindergarten, the educational system teaches you that there are certain things you can't say.
The BBC journalist Andrew Marr takes this statement quite personal, it suggests that he is self-censoring, Chomsky claims that people with behavioral problems don't get to certain positions. The journalist, broad up in post-watergate film period, believes that journalism is a crusading craft, knowing many colleagues with a difficult personality. Chomsky thinks the journalist has a very self-serving view claiming he stands up against power, but thinks he would not have this position if he had different opinions.
There is a big tension in the room as the interview turns more into a debate where several examples come across like Vietnam, The Gulf War, Watergate. The journalist loses the discussion by the leg of knowledge. For my personal research, I won't go into the details of the war examples, that is not relevant for my development.
Chomsky does make an interesting point/warning which is relevant in today's media broadcasting: if the focus of the news is more on the personal life of politicians, reach for your pocket and see who is pulling on your wallet. It usually means something else is happening, meaning this is a distraction.
The last point section of the interview is about Chomsky's point of view on the internet, the internet, an elite product, has liberating potential but also repressive potential. This battle is similar to the period during the upcoming of radio and tv.
The Propaganda Model: a retrospective by Edward S. Herman
The retrospective of Edward S. Herman on The Propaganda Model, which is written by Edward S. Hermans who was inspired by and working together with Noam Chomsky. I'm analyzing this text because I could not find the original model. In this text, Herman reflects on the effect of their model, but gives a clear inside of their point of view. In my research, I want to focus on their "rules" of propaganda instead of the effect of their text. Therefore I'll only highlight my point of interest.
The propaganda model is a framework for analyzing and understanding how the mainstream U.S. media work according to Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky. The model explores the connection between economic power and communicative power. They had the impression this media operates on the set of ideological premises where they are depending on the sources of the elite and participate in the interest of this elite. They often have the view that the masses are notoriously short-sighted and are poor judges of their own interests, Herman refers to several articles in his footnotes.
This model gives structural factors, it's a model of media behaviors and performance not of media effects.
THE PROPAGANDA MODEL is based on 5 points:
Ownership
Advertising
Sourcing
Flak
Anti-communism
The dominant media are:
imbedded in the market system
a profit-seeking businesses
owned by wealthy people or other companies
Funded by advertisers who want to appear in a supportive selling environment.
leaning on government and major business firms as information sources, this causes a certain degree of solidarity to prevail them. It's an unwritten rule that they have to stay loyal to get information or funding.
Propaganda campaigns can only occur when they are consistent with the interests of those controlling and managing the filters.
The power of the U.S. propaganda system lies in its ability to mobilize an elite consensus (overeenstemming), to give the appearance of democratic consent and to create enough confusion, misunderstanding, and lack of interest in the general populations, all so to allow elite programs to go forward.
There are also different opinions within the elite that open space for debates.
The model does suggest that the mainstream media, as elite institutions, commonly frame news and allow debate only within the parameters of elite perspectives; and that when the elite is really concerned and unified, and/or when ordinary citizens are not aware of the effective propaganda, the media will serve elite interests uncompromisingly.
==Selected Fragments by Irma of documentary Manufacturing Consent 1992 by Mark Achbar and Peter Wintonick