User:Tash/grad thesis outline2: Difference between revisions
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Point A: Historically, mainstream Indonesian media has tended to represent government interests, and has done little to challenge political hegemonies in the country. | Point A: Historically, mainstream Indonesian media has tended to represent government interests, and has done little to challenge political hegemonies in the country. | ||
* Argument 1: In the Suharto era, government had control of mass media (print, radio & tv) | * Argument 1: In the Suharto era, government had literal control of mass media (print, radio & tv) | ||
* Argument 2: | * Argument 2: They also controlled collective memory: revisionism of certain events, like the 1965 genocide | ||
Point B: As the dictatorship ended in the late 90's, the emergence of alternative networked media in Indonesia represented new opportunities for democratic discussion and debate. | |||
* Argument 1: Web 2.0. and social media use flourished in Indonesia, expanding freedom of speech and opening up the media landscape. Note the reasons why: anonymity, participatory quality, velocity, spread, pop culture. Give examples from Indonesia (mailing lists for news & dissent against Suharto), and the region (China's river crab meme) | |||
* Argument 2: These tools also enabled freedom of connection, mobilizing new networks and communities. Give examples from the region (the proliferation of the 'warnet' in Indonesia, Philippines revolution against Estrada in 2001) | |||
'''2nd chapter: On the current state of censorship in Indonesia''' | '''2nd chapter: On the current state of censorship in Indonesia''' | ||
Point A: | Point A: After an initial uptick, freedom of speech in Indonesia has slowly deteriorated over the past decade, mainly as a result of creeping conservatism and political Islam. | ||
* Argument 1: | * Argument 1: New legal mechanisms in play include anti-pornography law, blasphemy law | ||
* Argument 2: Technological mechanisms include web blocking | * Argument 2: Technological mechanisms include web blocking, blurring images on tv | ||
* Argument 3: Psychological mechanisms include erasure of certain narratives, suppression of minor ethnicities, e.g. continued stereotyping of Chinese, continued revisionism of 1965 event | |||
Point B: Self-censorship is a less obvious but increasingly influential force in Indonesian society. |
Point B: Self-censorship is a less obvious but increasingly influential force in Indonesian society. | ||
* Argument 1: | * Argument 1: Identity politics is making space for dangerous speech, which impedes freedom of expression and religion | ||
* Argument 2: Censorship is outsourced to | * Argument 2: Censorship is thus outsourced to the people: using fear, shame, social pressure | ||
* Argument 3: Censorship is outsourced to | * Argument 3: Censorship is also outsourced to corporations: content moderation policies by social media and news platforms | ||
'''3rd chapter: Responses and tactics to censorship'''<br> | '''3rd chapter: Responses and tactics to censorship'''<br> | ||
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Point B: In a counterpoint, the digital sphere is becoming a more dangerous place for activists, especially in Islamic countries | Point B: In a counterpoint, the digital sphere is becoming a more dangerous place for activists, especially in Islamic countries | ||
* Argument 1: Weaponization of social media by political parties, taking advantage of the population’s low media literacy e.g. Duterte in Philippines, buzzers in Indonesia | * Argument 1: Weaponization of social media by political parties, dangerous speech by interest groups, taking advantage of the population’s low media literacy e.g. Duterte in Philippines, buzzers in Indonesia | ||
* Argument 2: Attacks on social media personalities and journalists e.g. Tara Fares in Baghdad, Jamal Khashoggi in Turkey, defamation law in Indonesia | * Argument 2: Attacks on social media personalities and journalists e.g. Tara Fares in Baghdad, Jamal Khashoggi in Turkey, defamation law in Indonesia, Charlie Hebdo | ||
Point C: Artists and publishers can and should intervene in social media’s mechanisms to challenge modes of censorship online | Point C: Artists and publishers can and should intervene in social media’s mechanisms to challenge modes of censorship online | ||
* Argument 1: Artistic examples – Iraq War Wikihistoriography by James Bridle, Blind Spot by Miao Ying, An Anthem to Open Borders by Petra Milički | * Argument 1: Artistic examples – Iraq War Wikihistoriography by James Bridle, Blind Spot by Miao Ying, An Anthem to Open Borders by Petra Milički | ||
* Argument 2: Practical examples – comment section activism, | * Argument 2: Practical examples – comment section activism, counterspeech, trolling for good, publishing platforms like Bibliotecha or Ethira, NewsDiffs, Panzagar, Hollaback | ||
'''III. Conclusion'''<br> | '''III. Conclusion'''<br> | ||
As | As Indonesia's media landscape becomes more and more sensitive to dissent, social media platforms offer young people in the country a valuable, alternative space for civic engagement. However, increasing pressures of state and self-censorship threaten the scope and impact of these activities. In my opinion, deliberate digital activism is needed to challenge these trends of suppression, and promote more open and meaningful instances of political discourse. |
Revision as of 17:38, 28 October 2018
Thesis Outline Draft 2
Format:
2) An analytical essay exploring related artistic, theoretical, historical and critical issues and practices that inform your practice, without necessarily referring to your work directly.
- plus separate annotations written from a personal point of view, to situate the research within my own context and practice
- or written into the essay in one flowing style
Key topics:
- Social & networked media as democratic or emancipatory tools
- Freedom of speech / freedom of connection / freedom of religion
- The rise of alternative media / pop culture and its role in contemporary nation-building
- (Self-)censorship, cultural regulation and revisionism (“New media, Old wounds”)
- Meme culture as a mode of civic engagement, a way of imaging dissent
- Archiving (remembering) as an active political practice (and post-colonial tool?)
- Alternative ways of sharing knowledge, and their social aspects (“We publish to find comrades!”)
- Weaponization of the internet, propaganda wars in the comments section
Structure:
I. Introduction
Background: As a publisher and a digital native, I have always been interested in the way netizenship informs citizenship (and vice versa). Growing up in Indonesia in the 1990s, I saw a positive correlation between the two – where the arrival of the Internet seemed to both coincide with and contribute to the country’s transition into democracy. Indeed, the first few years of the new millenium was a volatile but also hopeful time in Indonesian civil society. After decades of military rule, the media landscape was opening up.
However, recent trends in Indonesian politics – which is not unrelated to the global political climate – lead me to believe that there is a rising problem of censorship in the country. In the last 10 years alone, “over hundreds of Internet users have been reported to the police and arrested for expressing their opinions freely on the Internet, and in some cases, detained for raising their voices against corrupt government officials.” (Hapsoro, 2018). In 2016, the incumbent governor of Jakarta, a progressive politician by the name of Ahok, was charged and jailed for ‘blaspheming’ against the Qur’an. Cases like these, which play out both online and offline, create immense pressures on freedom of speech and expression in Indonesia.
To counter this trend of suppression, I believe there is an urgent need for more alternative digital platforms and modes of discourses. At the same time, I see how engaged young Indonesians already are with social media and meme culture, often using them as forms of political participation. Following this, I’m intrigued by the participatory potential of memetic media, and want to explore how it could be used as a democratic tool in present-day Indonesia.
Thesis Statement: While in Indonesia today, social media offers valuable alternative spaces for political discourse, more activism is needed to resist the rising pressures of (self-)censorship in the country.
II. Body
1st chapter: Introducing the media landscape in Indonesia
Point A: Historically, mainstream Indonesian media has tended to represent government interests, and has done little to challenge political hegemonies in the country.
- Argument 1: In the Suharto era, government had literal control of mass media (print, radio & tv)
- Argument 2: They also controlled collective memory: revisionism of certain events, like the 1965 genocide
Point B: As the dictatorship ended in the late 90's, the emergence of alternative networked media in Indonesia represented new opportunities for democratic discussion and debate.
- Argument 1: Web 2.0. and social media use flourished in Indonesia, expanding freedom of speech and opening up the media landscape. Note the reasons why: anonymity, participatory quality, velocity, spread, pop culture. Give examples from Indonesia (mailing lists for news & dissent against Suharto), and the region (China's river crab meme)
- Argument 2: These tools also enabled freedom of connection, mobilizing new networks and communities. Give examples from the region (the proliferation of the 'warnet' in Indonesia, Philippines revolution against Estrada in 2001)
2nd chapter: On the current state of censorship in Indonesia
Point A: After an initial uptick, freedom of speech in Indonesia has slowly deteriorated over the past decade, mainly as a result of creeping conservatism and political Islam.
- Argument 1: New legal mechanisms in play include anti-pornography law, blasphemy law
- Argument 2: Technological mechanisms include web blocking, blurring images on tv
- Argument 3: Psychological mechanisms include erasure of certain narratives, suppression of minor ethnicities, e.g. continued stereotyping of Chinese, continued revisionism of 1965 event
Point B: Self-censorship is a less obvious but increasingly influential force in Indonesian society.
- Argument 1: Identity politics is making space for dangerous speech, which impedes freedom of expression and religion
- Argument 2: Censorship is thus outsourced to the people: using fear, shame, social pressure
- Argument 3: Censorship is also outsourced to corporations: content moderation policies by social media and news platforms
3rd chapter: Responses and tactics to censorship
Point A: As a way of negotiating these pressures, social media and meme culture has become a fundamental new mode of civic engagement for Indonesian citizens.
- Argument 1: Discuss examples of recent political memes in Indonesia and their impact
- Argument 2: Discuss examples of social media activism in Indonesia, e.g. KPK case, OurVoice.id platform for LGBT, but also discuss examples of those that failed
Point B: In a counterpoint, the digital sphere is becoming a more dangerous place for activists, especially in Islamic countries
- Argument 1: Weaponization of social media by political parties, dangerous speech by interest groups, taking advantage of the population’s low media literacy e.g. Duterte in Philippines, buzzers in Indonesia
- Argument 2: Attacks on social media personalities and journalists e.g. Tara Fares in Baghdad, Jamal Khashoggi in Turkey, defamation law in Indonesia, Charlie Hebdo
Point C: Artists and publishers can and should intervene in social media’s mechanisms to challenge modes of censorship online
- Argument 1: Artistic examples – Iraq War Wikihistoriography by James Bridle, Blind Spot by Miao Ying, An Anthem to Open Borders by Petra Milički
- Argument 2: Practical examples – comment section activism, counterspeech, trolling for good, publishing platforms like Bibliotecha or Ethira, NewsDiffs, Panzagar, Hollaback
III. Conclusion
As Indonesia's media landscape becomes more and more sensitive to dissent, social media platforms offer young people in the country a valuable, alternative space for civic engagement. However, increasing pressures of state and self-censorship threaten the scope and impact of these activities. In my opinion, deliberate digital activism is needed to challenge these trends of suppression, and promote more open and meaningful instances of political discourse.